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Gettysburg Address

 

《蓋茲堡》（英文：Gettysburg Address）是亞伯拉罕·林肯最著名的演說，也是美國歷史上為人引用最多之政治性演說。在1863年11月19日，正值美國內戰中蓋茲堡戰役結束後四個半月，林肯在賓夕法尼亞州蓋茲堡的蓋茲堡國家公墓（Gettysburg National Cemetery）揭幕式中發表此次演說，哀悼在長達5個半月的蓋茲堡之役中陣亡的將士。林肯的演講於當天第二順位發表，修辭細膩周密，其後成為美國歷史上最偉大的演說之一。以不足三百字的字數，兩到三分鐘的時間，林肯訴諸獨立宣言所支持的凡人生而平等之原則，並重新定義這場內戰，不止是為聯邦存續而奮鬥，而是「自由之新生」，將真平等帶給全體公民。

以因襲的詞句「八十七年前」發端，林肯論及美國獨立革命，稱許蓋茲堡這場揭幕式為一契機，不止題獻一塊墓地，更能尊崇殊死奮鬥以確保「民有、民治、民享之政府當免於凋零」者。出乎意料的是，儘管這場演說名垂青史，聲震寰宇，其確切之措辭卻頗受爭議。五份已知的演說稿，與當時新聞報導中的謄抄本，於若干細節上彼此互異。

蓋茲堡之役（1863年7月1日至3日），徹底改變了蓋茲堡這個小鎮。戰場上，聯邦波多馬克軍團與聯盟國北維吉尼亞軍團雙方留下超過七千具的戰士遺骸、數以千具戰馬屍骨，莊嚴有序地埋葬死者成為當地數千居民的首要之務。屍體腐爛的惡臭在戰事結束後一周內，使許多小鎮居民劇烈作嘔。終於，在32歲富有檢查官大衛·威爾斯（David Wills）的指示下，賓夕法尼亞州購下17英畝（69,000平方公尺）的土地作為墓園之用，以為這些葬送於烈日沙場的英靈善後。

威爾斯最初計畫於1863年9月23日星期三題獻這座墓園，並邀請時任國務卿的愛德華·艾佛瑞特、多名聯邦參眾議員、麻薩諸塞州州長、以及哈佛大學校長作為主講人。艾佛瑞特時為全國最知名的演說家，聲名遠播。他回覆威爾斯及治喪委員會，因時間倉促，無從備妥合適的演說，要求將日期延後。經委員會同意，揭幕式順延至11月19日星期四。

威爾斯及治喪委員會幾乎是事後才想起邀請林肯參與揭幕式。威爾斯的信中寫道，『敢請屈駕，於演說之後，以全國行政首長之尊，賜以適切之短評，使此土此地因蒙官式對待，得添神聖莊嚴。』

林肯搭乘火車於11月18日到達蓋茲堡，當夜作客於威爾斯位於蓋茲堡市鎮廣場的住宅中，並為其於華盛頓寫就的演說稿作最後的潤色。


據估計，約有一萬五千至兩萬人參與儀式，入席者包括當時廿四個聯邦州中的六位州長：賓夕法尼州的安德魯·葛瑞格·柯丁（Andrew Gregg Curtin）、馬里蘭州的奧古斯都·布萊德福（Augustus Bradford）、印地安那州的奧利佛·摩頓（Oliver P. Morton）、紐約州的候拉提歐·西摩爾（Horatio Seymour）、紐澤西州的喬·帕克（Joel Parker）、以及俄亥俄州的大衛·陶德（David Tod）。^{[6]確切之出場序仍有爭議。[7]將掩埋在戰場內各墓穴的屍體掘出重葬於墓園的工作，於戰役結束後數月內即開始進行，至揭幕日僅完成不到一半。[8]}

在聽眾的好評後，林肯以他尖細的肯塔基腔發言二至三分鐘。林肯的「適切之短評」以十句話272個字簡述這場內戰，重提國家在這場艱苦戰爭中的作用，以及對此觀念的影響：不分聯邦軍或邦聯軍，蓋茲堡陣亡將士的犧牲無一白費。

 

儘管這場演說名垂青史，當今學者對其真正措詞意見不一；當時據實謄錄的新聞報導，甚至林肯本人的數份手抄副本中，其措詞、標點、與結構皆互有歧異。在眾多版本中，「畢利斯本」（Bliss Copy）已成標準本。這是唯一一份林肯署名的版本，也是所知經其撰寫的最終版本：




（以下為此本之中英對照）

 

 八十又七年前吾輩先祖於這大陸上，肇建一個新的國度，乃孕育於自由，且致力於凡人皆生而平等此信念。

 

 

〔另譯〕：在八十七年前，我們的國父們在這塊土地上創建一個新的國家，乃基於對自由的堅信，並致力於所有男人皆生而平等的信念。〔註：father在此應避免有血緣的聯想。在當時的人，尤其是在政治上，沒有男女平等的觀念，men指的是男人，而且沒有說出來的還是白種男人而已。為求忠實，不應將其視為人類的通稱。）

 

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

 

 

 

 

當下吾等被捲入一場偉大的內戰，以考驗是否此國度，或任何肇基於和奉獻於斯者，可永垂不朽。吾等現相逢於此戰中一處浩大戰場。而吾等將奉獻此戰場之部分，作為這群交付彼者生命讓那國度勉能生存的人們最後安息之處。此乃全然妥切且適當而為吾人應行之舉。

 

 

 

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that this nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

 

 

 

 

但，於更大意義之上，吾等無法致力、無法奉上、無法成就此土之聖。這群勇者，無論生死，曾於斯奮戰到底，早已使其神聖，而遠超過吾人卑微之力所能增減。這世間不曾絲毫留意，也不長久記得吾等於斯所言，但永不忘懷彼人於此所為。吾等生者，理應當然，獻身於此輩鞠躬盡瘁之未完大業。吾等在此責無旁貸獻身於眼前之偉大使命：自光榮的亡者之處吾人肩起其終極之奉獻—吾等在此答應亡者之死當非徒然—此國度，於神佑之下，當享有自由之新生—民有、民治、民享之政府當免於凋零。

 

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

 

 

http://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E8%93%8B%E8%8C%B2%E5%A0%A1%E6%BC%94%E8%AA%AA

美國20世紀最有名的100篇演講稿在1999年由威州大學﹐和德州農工大學敦請 137位學者投票選出，第一名是 金恩 博士的 “I Have a Dream”

Given on August 28, 1963

Martin Luther King, Jr.

"I Have a Dream"

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only."* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

                And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire .

                Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York .

                Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
                Pennsylvania .

                Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

                Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California .

                But not only that:

                Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

                Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

                Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi .

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

                Free at last! Free at last!

                Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

資料來源:http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm

來自Emily http://tw.myblog.yahoo.com/emilywei-lanchunwei/article?mid=7668&page=1#7760

"我有一個夢" 譯文

引言:在二十世紀六十年代，美國人逐漸認識到，南北戰爭所致力解放黑奴運動，並沒有產生使美國黑人成為完全平等公民的預效果。十九世紀後期，美國黑人的公民權利受到州和地方歧視黑人的法規和慣例層層約束和限制。在日常生活中，美國黑人常常被隔離開來，不能與白人同在一個學校上學，乘坐同一公共交通工具，同在一個地方居住。黑人不能充分參與美國社會生活，甚至在一百年後仍然和奴隸一樣被剝奪各種權利，他們生活水準的提高與國家的發展並非完全相稱。因此美國黑人的平等問題成為一個嚴重的社會問題。



黑人志願團體和教會以及其它各階層關心此事的美國人團體，同心合力掀起了一場爭取民權的運動。他們敦促國會通過強有力的法律，清除美國社會種族隔離和種族歧視的最後殘餘。



一九六三年八月二十八日在華盛頓林肯紀念堂舉行的「為工作的自由進軍」是民權運動的重要里程碑。那天最激勵人心的，是馬丁‧路德‧金恩牧師代表南方基督教領導會議所作的講演。 一位新聞記者指出，金氏的演講「充滿林肯和甘地精神的象徵和聖經的韻律」。他既義正嚴辭又有節制；公開宣揚－這是其基本哲學的一部分－－非暴力的改革途徑；並且侃侃陳詞，雄辯有力。在六十年代和七十年代，美國國會、總統和法院將金氏在講演中提到的各種法律障礙解除了。




演講內容:一百年前，一位偉大的美國人簽署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會。這一莊嚴宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結束了束縛黑人的漫漫長夜。



然而一百年後的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實。一百年後的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨。一百年後的今天，黑人仍生活在物質充裕的海洋中一個窮困的孤島上。一百年後的今天，黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落裡，並且意識到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們在這裡集會，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸於眾。



就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現諾言而匯集到我們國家的首都來的。我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言。他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。



就有色公民而論，美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著「資金不足」的戳子後便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產。我們不相信，在這個國家巨大的機會之庫裡已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現－－這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。



我們來到這個聖地也是為了提醒美國，現在是非常急迫的時刻。現在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主的諾言的時候。現在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時候。現在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機會之門的時候。現在是把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來，置於兄弟情誼的磐石上的時候。



如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那麼，這對美國來說，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。一九六三年並不意味著鬥爭的結束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要消消氣就會滿足；如果國家安之若素，毫無反應，這些人必會大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權利，美國就不可能有安寧或平靜。正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂的旋風就將繼續動搖這個國家的基礎。



但是對於等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說的。在爭取合法地位的過程中，我們不要採取錯誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望而抱著敵對和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們鬥爭時必須求遠舉止得體，紀律嚴明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內容的抗議蛻變為暴力行動。我們要不斷地昇華到以精神力量對付物質力量的崇高境界中去。



現在黑人社會充滿著了不起的新的戰鬥精神，但是我們卻不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因為我們的許多白人兄弟已經認識到，他們的命運與我們的命運是緊密相連的，他們今天參加遊行集會就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關的。我們不能單獨行動。



當我們行動時，我們必須保證向前進。我們不能倒退。現在有人問熱心民權運動的人，「你們什麼時候才能滿足?」



只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會滿足。



只要我們在外奔波而疲乏的身軀不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城裡的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會滿足。



只要黑人的基本活動範圍只是從少數民族聚居的小貧民區轉移到大貧民區，我們就絕不會滿足。



只要密西西比仍然有一個黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個黑人認為他投票無濟於事，我們就絕不會滿足。



不!我們現在並不滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶湧澎湃，滾滾而來。



我並非沒有注意到，參加今天集會的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨；有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房；有些由於尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，並在警察暴行的旋風中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長期受難者。堅持下去吧，要堅決相信，忍受不應得的痛苦是一種贖罪。



讓我們回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到喬治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區和少數民族居住區去，要心中有數，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不克自拔。



朋友們，今天我對你們說，在此時此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個夢想。這個夢想是深深紮根於美國的夢想中的。



我夢想有一天，這個國家會站立起來，真正實現其信條的真諦：「我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。」



我夢想有一天，在喬治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。



我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡，壓迫成風，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。



我夢想有一天，我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度裡生活。



我今天有一個夢想。



我夢想有一天，阿拉巴馬州能夠有所轉變，儘管該州州長現在仍然滿口異議，反對聯邦法令，但有朝一日，那裡的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手並進。



我今天有一個夢想。



我夢想有一天，幽谷上昇，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，聖光披露，滿照人間。



這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個信念，我們將能從絕望之嶙劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個信念，我們將能把這個國家刺耳爭吵的聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優美交響曲。



有了這個信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起鬥爭，一起坐牢，一起維護自由；因為我們知道，終有一天，我們是會自由的。



在自由到來的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：「我的祖國，美麗的自由之鄉，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗。」



如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家，這個夢想必須實現。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔響起來!讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來？讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州阿勒格尼山的頂峰響起來!



讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的洛基山響起來!讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來？不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲從喬治亞州的石嶙響起來？讓自由之聲從田納西州的瞭望山響起來!



讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來？讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來。



當我們讓自由之聲響起來，讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來，那時，上帝的所有兒女，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手攜手，合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：「終於自由啦!終於自由啦!感謝全能的上帝，我們終於自由啦!」

資料來源:http://tw.knowledge.yahoo.com/question/question?qid=1105050705376