亞伯拉罕.林肯蓋茨堡演講詞 Gettysburg Address
林肯《蓋茲堡演講詞》(Gettysburg Address)(中英文對照)
《蓋茲堡》是亞伯拉罕·林肯最著名的演說,正值美國內戰中蓋茲堡戰役結束後四個半月,林肯在賓州蓋茲堡的蓋茲堡國家公墓(Gettysburg National Cemetery)揭幕式中發表此次演說,修辭細膩周密,其後成為美國歷史上最偉大的演說之一。(網路圖片)
Gettysburg Address
《蓋茲堡》(英文:Gettysburg Address)是亞伯拉罕·林肯最著名的演說,也是美國歷史上為人引用最多之政治性演說。在1863年11月19日,正值美國內戰中蓋茲堡戰役結束後四個半月,林肯在賓夕法尼亞州蓋茲堡的蓋茲堡國家公墓(Gettysburg National Cemetery)揭幕式中發表此次演說,哀悼在長達5個半月的蓋茲堡之役中陣亡的將士。林肯的演講於當天第二順位發表,修辭細膩周密,其後成為美國歷史上最偉大的演說之一。以不足三百字的字數,兩到三分鐘的時間,林肯訴諸獨立宣言所支持的凡人生而平等之原則,並重新定義這場內戰,不止是為聯邦存續而奮鬥,而是「自由之新生」,將真平等帶給全體公民。
以因襲的詞句「八十七年前」發端,林肯論及美國獨立革命,稱許蓋茲堡這場揭幕式為一契機,不止題獻一塊墓地,更能尊崇殊死奮鬥以確保「民有、民治、民享之政府當免於凋零」者。出乎意料的是,儘管這場演說名垂青史,聲震寰宇,其確切之措辭卻頗受爭議。五份已知的演說稿,與當時新聞報導中的謄抄本,於若干細節上彼此互異。
蓋茲堡之役(1863年7月1日至3日),徹底改變了蓋茲堡這個小鎮。戰場上,聯邦波多馬克軍團與聯盟國北維吉尼亞軍團雙方留下超過七千具的戰士遺骸、數以千具戰馬屍骨,莊嚴有序地埋葬死者成為當地數千居民的首要之務。屍體腐爛的惡臭在戰事結束後一周內,使許多小鎮居民劇烈作嘔。終於,在32歲富有檢查官大衛·威爾斯(David Wills)的指示下,賓夕法尼亞州購下17英畝(69,000平方公尺)的土地作為墓園之用,以為這些葬送於烈日沙場的英靈善後。
威爾斯最初計畫於1863年9月23日星期三題獻這座墓園,並邀請時任國務卿的愛德華·艾佛瑞特、多名聯邦參眾議員、麻薩諸塞州州長、以及哈佛大學校長作為主講人。艾佛瑞特時為全國最知名的演說家,聲名遠播。他回覆威爾斯及治喪委員會,因時間倉促,無從備妥合適的演說,要求將日期延後。經委員會同意,揭幕式順延至11月19日星期四。
威爾斯及治喪委員會幾乎是事後才想起邀請林肯參與揭幕式。威爾斯的信中寫道,『敢請屈駕,於演說之後,以全國行政首長之尊,賜以適切之短評,使此土此地因蒙官式對待,得添神聖莊嚴。』
林肯搭乘火車於11月18日到達蓋茲堡,當夜作客於威爾斯位於蓋茲堡市鎮廣場的住宅中,並為其於華盛頓寫就的演說稿作最後的潤色。
據估計,約有一萬五千至兩萬人參與儀式,入席者包括當時廿四個聯邦州中的六位州長:賓夕法尼州的安德魯·葛瑞格·柯丁(Andrew Gregg Curtin)、馬里蘭州的奧古斯都·布萊德福(Augustus Bradford)、印地安那州的奧利佛·摩頓(Oliver P. Morton)、紐約州的候拉提歐·西摩爾(Horatio Seymour)、紐澤西州的喬·帕克(Joel Parker)、以及俄亥俄州的大衛·陶德(David Tod)。[6]確切之出場序仍有爭議。[7]將掩埋在戰場內各墓穴的屍體掘出重葬於墓園的工作,於戰役結束後數月內即開始進行,至揭幕日僅完成不到一半。[8]
據估計,約有一萬五千至兩萬人參與儀式,入席者包括當時廿四個聯邦州中的六位州長:賓夕法尼州的安德魯·葛瑞格·柯丁(Andrew Gregg Curtin)、馬里蘭州的奧古斯都·布萊德福(Augustus Bradford)、印地安那州的奧利佛·摩頓(Oliver P. Morton)、紐約州的候拉提歐·西摩爾(Horatio Seymour)、紐澤西州的喬·帕克(Joel Parker)、以及俄亥俄州的大衛·陶德(David Tod)。[6]確切之出場序仍有爭議。[7]將掩埋在戰場內各墓穴的屍體掘出重葬於墓園的工作,於戰役結束後數月內即開始進行,至揭幕日僅完成不到一半。[8]
在聽眾的好評後,林肯以他尖細的肯塔基腔發言二至三分鐘。林肯的「適切之短評」以十句話272個字簡述這場內戰,重提國家在這場艱苦戰爭中的作用,以及對此觀念的影響:不分聯邦軍或邦聯軍,蓋茲堡陣亡將士的犧牲無一白費。
儘管這場演說名垂青史,當今學者對其真正措詞意見不一;當時據實謄錄的新聞報導,甚至林肯本人的數份手抄副本中,其措詞、標點、與結構皆互有歧異。在眾多版本中,「畢利斯本」(Bliss Copy)已成標準本。這是唯一一份林肯署名的版本,也是所知經其撰寫的最終版本:
(以下為此本之中英對照)
(以下為此本之中英對照)
八十又七年前吾輩先祖於這大陸上,肇建一個新的國度,乃孕育於自由,且致力於凡人皆生而平等此信念。
〔另譯〕:在八十七年前,我們的國父們在這塊土地上創建一個新的國家,乃基於對自由的堅信,並致力於所有男人皆生而平等的信念。〔註:father在此應避免有血緣的聯想。在當時的人,尤其是在政治上,沒有男女平等的觀念,men指的是男人,而且沒有說出來的還是白種男人而已。為求忠實,不應將其視為人類的通稱。)
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
當下吾等被捲入一場偉大的內戰,以考驗是否此國度,或任何肇基於和奉獻於斯者,可永垂不朽。吾等現相逢於此戰中一處浩大戰場。而吾等將奉獻此戰場之部分,作為這群交付彼者生命讓那國度勉能生存的人們最後安息之處。此乃全然妥切且適當而為吾人應行之舉。
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that this nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
但,於更大意義之上,吾等無法致力、無法奉上、無法成就此土之聖。這群勇者,無論生死,曾於斯奮戰到底,早已使其神聖,而遠超過吾人卑微之力所能增減。這世間不曾絲毫留意,也不長久記得吾等於斯所言,但永不忘懷彼人於此所為。吾等生者,理應當然,獻身於此輩鞠躬盡瘁之未完大業。吾等在此責無旁貸獻身於眼前之偉大使命:自光榮的亡者之處吾人肩起其終極之奉獻—吾等在此答應亡者之死當非徒然—此國度,於神佑之下,當享有自由之新生—民有、民治、民享之政府當免於凋零。
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
口吃英王喬治六世(Albert Frederick Arthur George)二次大戰演說稿《王者之聲:正義宣言》(The King's Speech)!翻譯
"In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in our history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.
在此全國戒備的嚴峻時刻,也許是英國歷史正面臨生死存亡的緊要關頭,無論在國內或海外,本人以至情至性的口吻稍來消息,透過廣播傳送至親愛的全英子民們,誠如挨家挨戶跨越門檻,親自登門拜訪,向各位說明原委。
For the second time in the lives of most of us we are at war. Over and over again we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies. But it has been in vain. We have been forced into a conflict. For we are called, with our allies, to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilised order in the world.
在你我大部份人的生命中,這是英國第二次面對敵人武力威脅。不止一次,英國政府試圖在我方與現在是英國敵人雙方岐異處尋求和平共存之道,化干戈為玉帛,但終究徒勞無功。我們被迫捲入一場軍事衝突。因為英國及其盟邦即將迎接一個邪惡信念的挑戰,如果敵方信念戰無不勝,它將會帶來世界任何文明秩序毀滅沖擊。
It is the principle which permits a state, in the selfish pursuit of power, to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges; which sanctions the use of force, or threat of force, against the sovereignty and independence of other states. Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right; and if this principle were established throughout the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of Nations would be in danger. But far more than this - the peoples of the world would be kept in the bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of the security of justice and liberty among nations would be ended.
這個邪惡的信念是允許一個國家無視他國存在,貪婪地追求權力,無視過往協定的戰後條約和莊嚴誓言;這個約定讓使用武力或以武力威脅他國主權獨立的不法暴力得到制裁。這樣的政治信念將所有的偽裝徹底拔光,赤裸裸的野蠻教條得逞,如果邪惡信念在世界各處風行草偃,那麼英國的獨立自由和大英聯邦各國都將處於亡國滅族的危難中,然而遠遠超過這一切,全世界將被暴力奴役,心靈被囚禁在殺戮恐懼中,全球每一個渴望擁有和平安全、正義自由的國家希望終將破滅。
This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world's order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge. It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own. I ask them to stand calm, firm, and united in this time of trial. The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield. But we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then, with God's help, we shall prevail. May God bless and keep us all"
橫阻在英國眼前是終極的挑戰,對於珍愛人民福祉、世界秩序和平的英國百姓來說,我們無力拒絕敵人侵略挑釁是難以置信的,正是這個偉大崇高的目標,本人呼籲國內、海外的子民們,為國家興亡克盡一已之責,在敵人強大環伺下,冷靜應對、枕戈待旦、堅定信心並團結一致,這項任務困難重重,黑暗的日子即就來臨,戰爭不再局限於戰場。但我們,因為我們看到正義的一方,只能做正確的事-勇敢地向前行,虔誠地向上帝許下承諾。如果舉國上下堅定對神的信念,準備為祂為英國付諸一切犧牲,上帝恩澤天祐英國,勝利在望,願上帝賜福全英子民,永保安康。
美國20世紀最有名演講稿I Have a Dream~~Martin Luther King, Jr.(附中文翻譯)
美國20世紀最有名演講稿I Have a Dream~~Martin Luther King, Jr.(附中文翻譯)
美國20世紀最有名的100篇演講稿在1999年由威州大學﹐和德州農工大學敦請 137位學者投票選出,第一名是 金恩 博士的 “I Have a Dream”
Given on August 28, 1963
Martin Luther King, Jr.
"I Have a Dream"
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only."* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire .
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York .
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania .
Pennsylvania .
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California .
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi .
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
資料來源:http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm
"我有一個夢" 譯文
引言:在二十世紀六十年代,美國人逐漸認識到,南北戰爭所致力解放黑奴運動,並沒有產生使美國黑人成為完全平等公民的預效果。十九世紀後期,美國黑人的公民權利受到州和地方歧視黑人的法規和慣例層層約束和限制。在日常生活中,美國黑人常常被隔離開來,不能與白人同在一個學校上學,乘坐同一公共交通工具,同在一個地方居住。黑人不能充分參與美國社會生活,甚至在一百年後仍然和奴隸一樣被剝奪各種權利,他們生活水準的提高與國家的發展並非完全相稱。因此美國黑人的平等問題成為一個嚴重的社會問題。
黑人志願團體和教會以及其它各階層關心此事的美國人團體,同心合力掀起了一場爭取民權的運動。他們敦促國會通過強有力的法律,清除美國社會種族隔離和種族歧視的最後殘餘。
一九六三年八月二十八日在華盛頓林肯紀念堂舉行的「為工作的自由進軍」是民權運動的重要里程碑。那天最激勵人心的,是馬丁‧路德‧金恩牧師代表南方基督教領導會議所作的講演。 一位新聞記者指出,金氏的演講「充滿林肯和甘地精神的象徵和聖經的韻律」。他既義正嚴辭又有節制;公開宣揚-這是其基本哲學的一部分--非暴力的改革途徑;並且侃侃陳詞,雄辯有力。在六十年代和七十年代,美國國會、總統和法院將金氏在講演中提到的各種法律障礙解除了。
演講內容:一百年前,一位偉大的美國人簽署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會。這一莊嚴宣言猶如燈塔的光芒,給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明,結束了束縛黑人的漫漫長夜。
然而一百年後的今天,我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實。一百年後的今天,在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下,黑人的生活備受壓榨。一百年後的今天,黑人仍生活在物質充裕的海洋中一個窮困的孤島上。一百年後的今天,黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落裡,並且意識到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們在這裡集會,就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸於眾。
就某種意義而言,今天我們是為了要求兌現諾言而匯集到我們國家的首都來的。我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時,曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言。他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。
就有色公民而論,美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務,只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票,支票上蓋著「資金不足」的戳子後便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產。我們不相信,在這個國家巨大的機會之庫裡已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現--這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。
我們來到這個聖地也是為了提醒美國,現在是非常急迫的時刻。現在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主的諾言的時候。現在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時候。現在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機會之門的時候。現在是把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來,置於兄弟情誼的磐石上的時候。
如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心,那麼,這對美國來說,將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來,黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。一九六三年並不意味著鬥爭的結束,而是開始。有人希望,黑人只要消消氣就會滿足;如果國家安之若素,毫無反應,這些人必會大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權利,美國就不可能有安寧或平靜。正義的光明的一天不到來,叛亂的旋風就將繼續動搖這個國家的基礎。
但是對於等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們,有些話我是必須說的。在爭取合法地位的過程中,我們不要採取錯誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望而抱著敵對和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們鬥爭時必須求遠舉止得體,紀律嚴明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內容的抗議蛻變為暴力行動。我們要不斷地昇華到以精神力量對付物質力量的崇高境界中去。
現在黑人社會充滿著了不起的新的戰鬥精神,但是我們卻不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因為我們的許多白人兄弟已經認識到,他們的命運與我們的命運是緊密相連的,他們今天參加遊行集會就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關的。我們不能單獨行動。
當我們行動時,我們必須保證向前進。我們不能倒退。現在有人問熱心民權運動的人,「你們什麼時候才能滿足?」
只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害,我們就絕不會滿足。
只要我們在外奔波而疲乏的身軀不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城裡的旅館找到住宿之所,我們就絕不會滿足。
只要黑人的基本活動範圍只是從少數民族聚居的小貧民區轉移到大貧民區,我們就絕不會滿足。
只要密西西比仍然有一個黑人不能參加選舉,只要紐約有一個黑人認為他投票無濟於事,我們就絕不會滿足。
不!我們現在並不滿足,我們將來也不滿足,除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤,洶湧澎湃,滾滾而來。
我並非沒有注意到,參加今天集會的人中,有些受盡苦難和折磨;有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房;有些由於尋求自由,曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊,並在警察暴行的旋風中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長期受難者。堅持下去吧,要堅決相信,忍受不應得的痛苦是一種贖罪。
讓我們回到密西西比去,回到阿拉巴馬去,回到南卡羅來納去,回到喬治亞去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我們北方城市中的貧民區和少數民族居住區去,要心中有數,這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不克自拔。
朋友們,今天我對你們說,在此時此刻,我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折,我仍然有一個夢想。這個夢想是深深紮根於美國的夢想中的。
我夢想有一天,這個國家會站立起來,真正實現其信條的真諦:「我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等。」
我夢想有一天,在喬治亞的紅山上,昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起,共敘兄弟情誼。
我夢想有一天,甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡,壓迫成風,如同沙漠般的地方,也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。
我夢想有一天,我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色,而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度裡生活。
我今天有一個夢想。
我夢想有一天,阿拉巴馬州能夠有所轉變,儘管該州州長現在仍然滿口異議,反對聯邦法令,但有朝一日,那裡的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,攜手並進。
我今天有一個夢想。
我夢想有一天,幽谷上昇,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,聖光披露,滿照人間。
這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個信念,我們將能從絕望之嶙劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個信念,我們將能把這個國家刺耳爭吵的聲,改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優美交響曲。
有了這個信念,我們將能一起工作,一起祈禱,一起鬥爭,一起坐牢,一起維護自由;因為我們知道,終有一天,我們是會自由的。
在自由到來的那一天,上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌:「我的祖國,美麗的自由之鄉,我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方,您是最初移民的驕傲,讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗。」
如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家,這個夢想必須實現。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔響起來!讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來?讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州阿勒格尼山的頂峰響起來!
讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的洛基山響起來!讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來?不僅如此,還要讓自由之聲從喬治亞州的石嶙響起來?讓自由之聲從田納西州的瞭望山響起來!
讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來?讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來。
當我們讓自由之聲響起來,讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時,我們將能夠加速這一天的到來,那時,上帝的所有兒女,黑人和白人,猶太教徒和非猶太教徒,耶穌教徒和天主教徒,都將手攜手,合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌:「終於自由啦!終於自由啦!感謝全能的上帝,我們終於自由啦!」
黑人志願團體和教會以及其它各階層關心此事的美國人團體,同心合力掀起了一場爭取民權的運動。他們敦促國會通過強有力的法律,清除美國社會種族隔離和種族歧視的最後殘餘。
一九六三年八月二十八日在華盛頓林肯紀念堂舉行的「為工作的自由進軍」是民權運動的重要里程碑。那天最激勵人心的,是馬丁‧路德‧金恩牧師代表南方基督教領導會議所作的講演。 一位新聞記者指出,金氏的演講「充滿林肯和甘地精神的象徵和聖經的韻律」。他既義正嚴辭又有節制;公開宣揚-這是其基本哲學的一部分--非暴力的改革途徑;並且侃侃陳詞,雄辯有力。在六十年代和七十年代,美國國會、總統和法院將金氏在講演中提到的各種法律障礙解除了。
演講內容:一百年前,一位偉大的美國人簽署了解放黑奴宣言,今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會。這一莊嚴宣言猶如燈塔的光芒,給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明,結束了束縛黑人的漫漫長夜。
然而一百年後的今天,我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實。一百年後的今天,在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下,黑人的生活備受壓榨。一百年後的今天,黑人仍生活在物質充裕的海洋中一個窮困的孤島上。一百年後的今天,黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落裡,並且意識到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們在這裡集會,就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸於眾。
就某種意義而言,今天我們是為了要求兌現諾言而匯集到我們國家的首都來的。我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時,曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言。他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。
就有色公民而論,美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神聖的義務,只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票,支票上蓋著「資金不足」的戳子後便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產。我們不相信,在這個國家巨大的機會之庫裡已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現--這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。
我們來到這個聖地也是為了提醒美國,現在是非常急迫的時刻。現在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主的諾言的時候。現在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時候。現在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機會之門的時候。現在是把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來,置於兄弟情誼的磐石上的時候。
如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心,那麼,這對美國來說,將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來,黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。一九六三年並不意味著鬥爭的結束,而是開始。有人希望,黑人只要消消氣就會滿足;如果國家安之若素,毫無反應,這些人必會大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權利,美國就不可能有安寧或平靜。正義的光明的一天不到來,叛亂的旋風就將繼續動搖這個國家的基礎。
但是對於等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們,有些話我是必須說的。在爭取合法地位的過程中,我們不要採取錯誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望而抱著敵對和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們鬥爭時必須求遠舉止得體,紀律嚴明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內容的抗議蛻變為暴力行動。我們要不斷地昇華到以精神力量對付物質力量的崇高境界中去。
現在黑人社會充滿著了不起的新的戰鬥精神,但是我們卻不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因為我們的許多白人兄弟已經認識到,他們的命運與我們的命運是緊密相連的,他們今天參加遊行集會就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關的。我們不能單獨行動。
當我們行動時,我們必須保證向前進。我們不能倒退。現在有人問熱心民權運動的人,「你們什麼時候才能滿足?」
只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害,我們就絕不會滿足。
只要我們在外奔波而疲乏的身軀不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城裡的旅館找到住宿之所,我們就絕不會滿足。
只要黑人的基本活動範圍只是從少數民族聚居的小貧民區轉移到大貧民區,我們就絕不會滿足。
只要密西西比仍然有一個黑人不能參加選舉,只要紐約有一個黑人認為他投票無濟於事,我們就絕不會滿足。
不!我們現在並不滿足,我們將來也不滿足,除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤,洶湧澎湃,滾滾而來。
我並非沒有注意到,參加今天集會的人中,有些受盡苦難和折磨;有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房;有些由於尋求自由,曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊,並在警察暴行的旋風中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長期受難者。堅持下去吧,要堅決相信,忍受不應得的痛苦是一種贖罪。
讓我們回到密西西比去,回到阿拉巴馬去,回到南卡羅來納去,回到喬治亞去,回到路易斯安那去,回到我們北方城市中的貧民區和少數民族居住區去,要心中有數,這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不克自拔。
朋友們,今天我對你們說,在此時此刻,我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折,我仍然有一個夢想。這個夢想是深深紮根於美國的夢想中的。
我夢想有一天,這個國家會站立起來,真正實現其信條的真諦:「我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的:人人生而平等。」
我夢想有一天,在喬治亞的紅山上,昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起,共敘兄弟情誼。
我夢想有一天,甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡,壓迫成風,如同沙漠般的地方,也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。
我夢想有一天,我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色,而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度裡生活。
我今天有一個夢想。
我夢想有一天,阿拉巴馬州能夠有所轉變,儘管該州州長現在仍然滿口異議,反對聯邦法令,但有朝一日,那裡的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉,攜手並進。
我今天有一個夢想。
我夢想有一天,幽谷上昇,高山下降,坎坷曲折之路成坦途,聖光披露,滿照人間。
這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個信念,我們將能從絕望之嶙劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個信念,我們將能把這個國家刺耳爭吵的聲,改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優美交響曲。
有了這個信念,我們將能一起工作,一起祈禱,一起鬥爭,一起坐牢,一起維護自由;因為我們知道,終有一天,我們是會自由的。
在自由到來的那一天,上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌:「我的祖國,美麗的自由之鄉,我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方,您是最初移民的驕傲,讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗。」
如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家,這個夢想必須實現。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨峰巔響起來!讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來?讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州阿勒格尼山的頂峰響起來!
讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的洛基山響起來!讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來?不僅如此,還要讓自由之聲從喬治亞州的石嶙響起來?讓自由之聲從田納西州的瞭望山響起來!
讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來?讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來。
當我們讓自由之聲響起來,讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時,我們將能夠加速這一天的到來,那時,上帝的所有兒女,黑人和白人,猶太教徒和非猶太教徒,耶穌教徒和天主教徒,都將手攜手,合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌:「終於自由啦!終於自由啦!感謝全能的上帝,我們終於自由啦!」
資料來源:http://tw.knowledge.yahoo.com/question/question?qid=1105050705376
演講-JK 羅琳哈佛演講
President Faust, members of the Harvard Corporation and the Board of Overseers, members of the faculty, proud parents, and above all, graduates, the first thing I would like to say is "thank you." Not only has Harvard given me an extraordinary honor, but the weeks of fear and nausea I have endured, at the thought of giving this commencement address have made me lose weight. A win-win situation! Now all I have to do is take deep breaths, squint at the red banners and convince myself that I'm at the world's largest Gryffindor reunion.
Faust校長、哈佛理事會和監督委員會的各位成員、各位教職員、驕傲的父母們,和最重要的,畢業生們,首先我想說的是「謝謝你們」。哈佛不僅給了我至高無上的榮譽,也讓我承受了多周的恐懼及作嘔感,光是想到我要來這場畢業典禮演講就讓我的體重減輕了。雙贏的局面!現在我所要做的就是深呼吸、瞥向那紅色的旗幟,然後說服我自己說我正處在全世界最大的葛萊芬多(哈里波特中的魔法學院)同學會中。
Faust校長、哈佛理事會和監督委員會的各位成員、各位教職員、驕傲的父母們,和最重要的,畢業生們,首先我想說的是「謝謝你們」。哈佛不僅給了我至高無上的榮譽,也讓我承受了多周的恐懼及作嘔感,光是想到我要來這場畢業典禮演講就讓我的體重減輕了。雙贏的局面!現在我所要做的就是深呼吸、瞥向那紅色的旗幟,然後說服我自己說我正處在全世界最大的葛萊芬多(哈里波特中的魔法學院)同學會中。
Delivering a commencement address is a great responsibility, or so I thought until I cast my mind back to my own graduation. The commencement speaker that day was the distinguished British philosopher Baroness Mary Warnock. Reflecting on her speech has helped me enormously in writing this one, because it turns out that I can't remember a single word she said. This liberating discovery enables me to proceed without any fear that I might inadvertently influence you to abandon promising careers in business, the law or politics for the giddy delights of becoming a gay wizard.
發表畢業演說是一個很大的責任,我是這麼認為的,直到我回想起我自己的畢業典禮。那天畢業典禮的演講者是著名的英國哲學家Baroness Mary Warnock。回憶起她的演說對我寫這篇講稿的幫助極大,因為結果證明我想不起她所說的任何一個字。這令人釋然的發現讓我得以繼續下去,不用害怕我可能會不經意地影響你,放棄在商業界、法律界或政治圈內有大好前程的職業,只為了想成為一名同性戀巫師(註一)那昏頭的喜悅感。
發表畢業演說是一個很大的責任,我是這麼認為的,直到我回想起我自己的畢業典禮。那天畢業典禮的演講者是著名的英國哲學家Baroness Mary Warnock。回憶起她的演說對我寫這篇講稿的幫助極大,因為結果證明我想不起她所說的任何一個字。這令人釋然的發現讓我得以繼續下去,不用害怕我可能會不經意地影響你,放棄在商業界、法律界或政治圈內有大好前程的職業,只為了想成為一名同性戀巫師(註一)那昏頭的喜悅感。
You see? If all you remember in years to come is the "gay wizard" joke, I've come out ahead of Baroness Mary Warnock. Achievable goals: the first step to self improvement.
你看到了嗎?如果幾年後你所有記得的就是這個「同性戀巫師」的笑話,那我還比Baroness Mary Warnock略勝一籌。能夠達成的目標:自我成長的第一步。
你看到了嗎?如果幾年後你所有記得的就是這個「同性戀巫師」的笑話,那我還比Baroness Mary Warnock略勝一籌。能夠達成的目標:自我成長的第一步。
Actually, I have wracked my mind and heart for what I ought to say to you today. I have asked myself what I wish I had known at my own graduation, and what important lessons I have learned in the twenty-one years that have expired between that day and this.
事實上,我已經竭盡心力就為了想出今天我該跟你們說什麼。我問自己希望在自己的畢業典禮上知道些什麼,還有我學到了哪些重要的課題,在今日與那天之間已逝去了的二十一年內。
事實上,我已經竭盡心力就為了想出今天我該跟你們說什麼。我問自己希望在自己的畢業典禮上知道些什麼,還有我學到了哪些重要的課題,在今日與那天之間已逝去了的二十一年內。
I have come up with two answers. On this wonderful day when we are gathered together to celebrate your academic success, I have decided to talk to you about the benefits of failure. And as you stand on the threshold of what is sometimes called "real life," I want to extol the crucial importance of imagination.
我已經得到兩個答案。在這美好的一天,當我們聚在一起歡慶你們在學業上的成就時,我決定要與你們談談失敗的好處。當你們站在這個有時被稱作「現實生活」的起點時,我想要頌揚想像力決定性的重要性。
我已經得到兩個答案。在這美好的一天,當我們聚在一起歡慶你們在學業上的成就時,我決定要與你們談談失敗的好處。當你們站在這個有時被稱作「現實生活」的起點時,我想要頌揚想像力決定性的重要性。
These may seem quixotic or paradoxical choices, but bear with me.
這些似乎是異想天開或自相矛盾的選擇,但請耐心聽我說。
這些似乎是異想天開或自相矛盾的選擇,但請耐心聽我說。
Looking back at the twenty-one-year-old that I was at graduation is a slightly uncomfortable experience for the forty-two-year-old that she has become. Half my lifetime ago, I was striking an uneasy balance between the ambition I had for myself, and what those closest to me expected of me.
回顧我畢業典禮時那二十一歲的少女,對於她後來成為的四十二歲女人來說是一項不太舒服的體驗。我一半的人生之前,我在為自己所設的目標及那些最親的人對我的期待中尋求一個搖搖欲墜的平衡。
回顧我畢業典禮時那二十一歲的少女,對於她後來成為的四十二歲女人來說是一項不太舒服的體驗。我一半的人生之前,我在為自己所設的目標及那些最親的人對我的期待中尋求一個搖搖欲墜的平衡。
I was convinced that the only thing I wanted to do, ever, was write novels. However, my parents, both of whom came from impoverished backgrounds and neither of whom had been to college, took the view that my overactive imagination was an amusing personal quirk that would never pay a mortgage, or secure a pension. I know the irony strikes with the force of a cartoon anvil now, but...so they hoped that I would take a vocational degree.
我確信我唯一想做的事,一直以來,就是寫小說。然而,我的父母,兩位都來自貧窮的背景,而且兩位也都沒有上大學,認為我過於活躍的想像力只是一種拿來消遣的個人怪癖,永遠無法償還房貸,或確保退休金。我知道這現在非常的諷刺(卡通常出現從天而降的鐵砧,表示挨了一記重捶),但...所以他們希望我能去修職業學校的學位。
我確信我唯一想做的事,一直以來,就是寫小說。然而,我的父母,兩位都來自貧窮的背景,而且兩位也都沒有上大學,認為我過於活躍的想像力只是一種拿來消遣的個人怪癖,永遠無法償還房貸,或確保退休金。我知道這現在非常的諷刺(卡通常出現從天而降的鐵砧,表示挨了一記重捶),但...所以他們希望我能去修職業學校的學位。
I wanted to study English Literature. A compromise was reached that in retrospect satisfied nobody, and I went up to study Modern Languages. Hardly had my parents' car rounded the corner at the end of the road than I ditched German and scuttled off down the Classics corridor.
我想讀英國文學。協議是達成了,而回想起來,沒人對它感到滿意,然後我去大學讀了現代語言學。我爸媽的車子才剛走到道路盡頭的轉角處,我就拋棄德文、倉皇逃向古典文學的迴廊。
我想讀英國文學。協議是達成了,而回想起來,沒人對它感到滿意,然後我去大學讀了現代語言學。我爸媽的車子才剛走到道路盡頭的轉角處,我就拋棄德文、倉皇逃向古典文學的迴廊。
I cannot remember telling my parents that I was studying Classics; they might well have found out for the first time on graduation day.Of all the subjects on this planet, I think they would have been hard put to name one less useful than Greek mythology when it came to securing the keys to an executive bathroom.
我不記得有告訴我爸媽我正在讀古典文學;他們很可能是到畢業典禮當天才恍然第一次發現。在這星球上的所有科目中,我想他們應該很難列舉出比希臘神話還不實用的學科,當談到要弄到一份擁有高階主管廁所的職位時。
我不記得有告訴我爸媽我正在讀古典文學;他們很可能是到畢業典禮當天才恍然第一次發現。在這星球上的所有科目中,我想他們應該很難列舉出比希臘神話還不實用的學科,當談到要弄到一份擁有高階主管廁所的職位時。
Now I would like to make it clear, in parenthesis, that I do not blame my parents for their point of view. There is an expiry date on blaming your parents for steering you in the wrong direction. The moment you are old enough to take the wheel, responsibility lies with you. What is more, I cannot criticize my parents for hoping that I would never experience poverty. They had been poor themselves, and I have since been poor, and I quite agree with them that it is not an ennobling experience. Poverty entails fear and stress, and sometimes depression. It means a thousand petty humiliations and hardships. Climbing out of poverty by your own efforts: that is something on which to pride yourself, but poverty itself is romanticized only by fools.
現在我要澄清,註解說明,我不會因為我爸媽的觀點而責備他們。責怪你父母引導你往錯誤的方向是有期限的。你年紀大到足以掌握方向盤的那一刻,責任就在於你了。再者,我無法批評我的父母,因為他們希望我永不經歷貧窮。他們曾經貧困過,而我也因而窮過,我非常同意他們,這不是一種高尚的經驗。貧窮使人蒙受恐懼、壓力,有時沮喪。它意指上千次的小屈辱及難關。靠你自己的努力走出貧窮:那是某種很令人自傲的事,但只有傻子才會把貧窮本身浪漫化。
現在我要澄清,註解說明,我不會因為我爸媽的觀點而責備他們。責怪你父母引導你往錯誤的方向是有期限的。你年紀大到足以掌握方向盤的那一刻,責任就在於你了。再者,我無法批評我的父母,因為他們希望我永不經歷貧窮。他們曾經貧困過,而我也因而窮過,我非常同意他們,這不是一種高尚的經驗。貧窮使人蒙受恐懼、壓力,有時沮喪。它意指上千次的小屈辱及難關。靠你自己的努力走出貧窮:那是某種很令人自傲的事,但只有傻子才會把貧窮本身浪漫化。
What I feared most for myself at your age was not poverty, but failure.
在你們這個年紀我最害怕的不是貧窮,而是失敗。
在你們這個年紀我最害怕的不是貧窮,而是失敗。
At your age, in spite of a distinct lack of motivation at university,where I had spent far too long in the coffee bar writing stories, and far too little time at lectures, I had a knack for passing examinations,and that, for years, had been the measure of success in my life and that of my peers.
在你們這個年紀,儘管我在大學時明顯缺乏衝勁,我花太多時間在咖啡館(註二)寫故事、太少時間在課堂上,但我很有本領考試過關,而這,多年來,都是衡量我、以及我同輩的人生是否成功的標準。
在你們這個年紀,儘管我在大學時明顯缺乏衝勁,我花太多時間在咖啡館(註二)寫故事、太少時間在課堂上,但我很有本領考試過關,而這,多年來,都是衡量我、以及我同輩的人生是否成功的標準。
Now I am not dull enough to suppose that because you are young, gifted and well-educated, you have never known heartbreak...hardship or heartache. Talent and intelligence never yet inoculated anyone against the caprice of the fates, and I do not for a moment suppose that everyone here has enjoyed an existence of unruffled privilege and contentment.
現在,我也不會蠢到認為因為你們都還很年輕、有天份、受過良好教育,就從未經歷過心碎...困境或心痛。天賦和聰明才智決不會幫任何人打上預防針以避免命運乖舛,而我一刻也沒想過在座各位都曾享受過一帆風順的特權及滿足的存在。
現在,我也不會蠢到認為因為你們都還很年輕、有天份、受過良好教育,就從未經歷過心碎...困境或心痛。天賦和聰明才智決不會幫任何人打上預防針以避免命運乖舛,而我一刻也沒想過在座各位都曾享受過一帆風順的特權及滿足的存在。
However, the fact that you are graduating from Harvard suggests that you are not very well-acquainted with failure. You might be driven by a fear of failure quite as much as a desire for success.Indeed, your conception of failure might not be too far removed from the average person's idea of success. So high have you already flown.
然而,你們要從哈佛畢業的事實就表明了你們不甚熟悉失敗。對失敗的恐懼就如你們對成功的渴望,一樣的驅策著你們。的確,你們對失敗的概念或許與一般人對成功的想法相去不遠。你們已經翱翔得如此之高了。
然而,你們要從哈佛畢業的事實就表明了你們不甚熟悉失敗。對失敗的恐懼就如你們對成功的渴望,一樣的驅策著你們。的確,你們對失敗的概念或許與一般人對成功的想法相去不遠。你們已經翱翔得如此之高了。
Ultimately, we all have to decide for ourselves what constitutes failure, but the world is quite eager to give you a set of criteria if you let it. So I think it's fair to say that by any conventional measure, a mere seven years after my graduation day, I had failed on an epic scale. An exceptionally short-lived marriage had imploded, and I was jobless, a lone parent, and as poor as it is possible to be in modern Britain, without being homeless. The fears that my parents had had for me, and that I had had for myself, had both come to pass, and by every usual standard, I was the biggest failure I knew.
最終,我們全都得自行決定是什麼造成失敗,但如果你允許,這世界會迫不及待地提供你一套標準。所以我認為公平而言,以任何傳統的衡量方式,在我畢業之後僅僅七年,我已經失敗得一蹋糊塗。一段異常短暫的婚姻崩解了,我無業、是個單親媽媽、我在當代英國可說是窮途潦倒,只差沒有無家可歸。我父母對我的擔憂、我對自己的擔憂,兩者都發生了,而以每個尋常的標準來說,我是就我所知最大的失敗者。
最終,我們全都得自行決定是什麼造成失敗,但如果你允許,這世界會迫不及待地提供你一套標準。所以我認為公平而言,以任何傳統的衡量方式,在我畢業之後僅僅七年,我已經失敗得一蹋糊塗。一段異常短暫的婚姻崩解了,我無業、是個單親媽媽、我在當代英國可說是窮途潦倒,只差沒有無家可歸。我父母對我的擔憂、我對自己的擔憂,兩者都發生了,而以每個尋常的標準來說,我是就我所知最大的失敗者。
Now, I am not going to stand here and tell you that failure is fun.That period of my life was a dark one, and I had no idea that there was going to be what the press has since represented as a kind of fairy tale resolution. I had no idea then how far the tunnel extended, and for a long time, any light at the end of it was a hope rather than a reality.
現在,我不是要站在這告訴你們失敗很有趣。那段時間是我人生中的黑暗期,我也沒有任何頭緒之後將會有一個媒體所報導的、像某種童話故事般的結局。當時的我完全不知道這隧道還會延伸多遠,而有一段很長的時間,在隧道盡頭的任何光線都是希望而不是現實。
現在,我不是要站在這告訴你們失敗很有趣。那段時間是我人生中的黑暗期,我也沒有任何頭緒之後將會有一個媒體所報導的、像某種童話故事般的結局。當時的我完全不知道這隧道還會延伸多遠,而有一段很長的時間,在隧道盡頭的任何光線都是希望而不是現實。
So why do I talk about the benefits of failure? Simply because failure meant a stripping away of the inessential. I stopped pretending to myself that I was anything other than what I was, and began to direct all my energy into finishing the only work that mattered to me.Had I really succeeded at anything else, I might never have found the determination to succeed in the one arena where I believed I truly belonged. I was set free, because my greatest fear had been realized, and I was still alive, and I still had a daughter whom I adored, and I had an old typewriter and a big idea. And so rock bottom became the solid foundation on which I rebuilt my life.
所以,為什麼我要談論失敗的好處呢?僅僅是因為失敗代表了摒除不必要的事物。我不再對自己佯裝我是除了自己以外的其他任何人,而我也開始將所有精力都放在完成對我有意義的唯一事物上。如果我真的在其他事物上成功了,也許我就永遠不會找到決心,在我相信我真正歸屬的這個領域中成功。我沒有任何束縛,因為我最大的恐懼已經實現,而我仍然活著,而且我還有一個我深愛的女兒,我也有一台老舊的打字機和一個偉大的理想。所以這谷底成為我重建人生的堅實基礎。
所以,為什麼我要談論失敗的好處呢?僅僅是因為失敗代表了摒除不必要的事物。我不再對自己佯裝我是除了自己以外的其他任何人,而我也開始將所有精力都放在完成對我有意義的唯一事物上。如果我真的在其他事物上成功了,也許我就永遠不會找到決心,在我相信我真正歸屬的這個領域中成功。我沒有任何束縛,因為我最大的恐懼已經實現,而我仍然活著,而且我還有一個我深愛的女兒,我也有一台老舊的打字機和一個偉大的理想。所以這谷底成為我重建人生的堅實基礎。
You might never fail on the scale I did, but some failure in life is inevitable. It is impossible to live without failing at something, unless you live so cautiously that you might as well not have lived at all (in which case, you fail by default).
也許你們永遠不會失敗得有如有我這等規模,但在人生中一些失敗是無可避免的。要在一生中完全不失敗是不可能的,除非你如此小心謹慎的活著以致於你也許根本沒活過(以這種情況來說,你註定失敗了)。
也許你們永遠不會失敗得有如有我這等規模,但在人生中一些失敗是無可避免的。要在一生中完全不失敗是不可能的,除非你如此小心謹慎的活著以致於你也許根本沒活過(以這種情況來說,你註定失敗了)。
Failure gave me an inner security that I had never attained by passing examinations. Failure taught me things about myself that I could have learned no other way. I discovered that I had a strong will, and more discipline than I had suspected. I also found out that I had friends whose value was truly above the price of rubies.
失敗給了我一種我從來無法藉由通過考試獲得的內心安全感。失敗教導我關於我自己的事情,這是我無法經由其他方法來學習的。我發現我有堅強的意志力,及比自己預想的還要更多的紀律。我也發覺我有真的比紅寶石價值還高的朋友。
失敗給了我一種我從來無法藉由通過考試獲得的內心安全感。失敗教導我關於我自己的事情,這是我無法經由其他方法來學習的。我發現我有堅強的意志力,及比自己預想的還要更多的紀律。我也發覺我有真的比紅寶石價值還高的朋友。
The knowledge that you have emerged wiser and stronger from setbacks means that you are, ever after, secure in your ability to survive. You will never truly know yourself, or the strength of your relationships, until both have been tested by adversity. Such knowledge is a true gift, for all that it is painfully won, and it has been worth more than any qualification I ever earned.
從挫折中你更有智慧也更堅強地顯露出的認知,代表你,從今以後,更肯定自己生存的能力。你永遠不會真正認識自己、或是友情的韌度,直到兩者都經歷過逆境的考驗。這樣的認知是一樣實實在在的禮物,雖然它是經歷如此痛苦才贏得的,而它比我所獲得的任何一樣資格都還要有價值。
從挫折中你更有智慧也更堅強地顯露出的認知,代表你,從今以後,更肯定自己生存的能力。你永遠不會真正認識自己、或是友情的韌度,直到兩者都經歷過逆境的考驗。這樣的認知是一樣實實在在的禮物,雖然它是經歷如此痛苦才贏得的,而它比我所獲得的任何一樣資格都還要有價值。
So given a Time Turner, I would tell my twenty-one-year-old self that personal happiness lies in knowing that life is not a check-list of acquisition or achievement. Your qualifications, your CV, are not your life, though you will meet many people of my age and older who confuse the two. Life is difficult and complicated, and beyond anyone's total control, and the humility to know that will enable you to survive its vicissitudes.
所以如果給我一台時光機,我會告訴我那二十一歲的自己,個人的快樂在於了解人生並不是一張收獲及成就的核對清單。你的資格證照、你的履歷( curriculum vitae),並不是你的人生,雖然你會見到許多跟我同年或年長的人將兩者混為一談。人生是艱難且複雜的,而且超越任何人的全盤掌控,而了解這事實的那份謙遜將會讓你能夠在人生的無常變化中存活下來。
所以如果給我一台時光機,我會告訴我那二十一歲的自己,個人的快樂在於了解人生並不是一張收獲及成就的核對清單。你的資格證照、你的履歷( curriculum vitae),並不是你的人生,雖然你會見到許多跟我同年或年長的人將兩者混為一談。人生是艱難且複雜的,而且超越任何人的全盤掌控,而了解這事實的那份謙遜將會讓你能夠在人生的無常變化中存活下來。
Now you might think that I chose my second theme, the importance of imagination, because of the part it played in rebuilding my life,but that is not wholly so. Though I personally will defend the value of bedtime stories to my last gasp, I have learned to value imagination in a much broader sense. Imagination is not only the uniquely human capacity to envision that which is not, and therefore the fount of all invention and innovation. In its arguably most transformative and revelatory capacity, it is the power that enables us to empathize with humans whose experiences we have never shared.
現在,你們可能會認為我之所以選擇我第二個主題,想像力的重要性,是因為在我重建人生的過程中它所扮演很重要的角色,但不全是這樣的。雖然我個人會捍衛床邊故事的重要性直到嚥下我的最後一口氣,但我已學會從一個更廣的角度來審視想像力的價值。想像力不僅是人類預見未知的獨特能力,因而是所有發明及創新的源頭。因其可說是最多變、最具啟迪性的能力,它也是使我們對未曾共享經驗的人們也能產生共鳴的力量。
現在,你們可能會認為我之所以選擇我第二個主題,想像力的重要性,是因為在我重建人生的過程中它所扮演很重要的角色,但不全是這樣的。雖然我個人會捍衛床邊故事的重要性直到嚥下我的最後一口氣,但我已學會從一個更廣的角度來審視想像力的價值。想像力不僅是人類預見未知的獨特能力,因而是所有發明及創新的源頭。因其可說是最多變、最具啟迪性的能力,它也是使我們對未曾共享經驗的人們也能產生共鳴的力量。
One of the greatest formative experiences of my life preceded Harry Potter, though it informed much of what I subsequently wrote in those books. This revelation came in the form of one of my earliest day jobs. Though I was sloping off to write stories during my lunch hours, I paid the rent in my early twenties by working at the African research department of Amnesty International's headquarters in London.
我一生中最了不起的生活經驗之一早在哈利波特之前,儘管它提供了很多我隨之在那些書中所寫的東西。這樣的啟示是以我最早期白天的工作之一的形式出現。雖然我常在午餐時間偷溜出來寫故事,但我在二十出頭時靠著在國際特赦組織倫敦總部的非洲研究部門的工作來支付我的房租。
我一生中最了不起的生活經驗之一早在哈利波特之前,儘管它提供了很多我隨之在那些書中所寫的東西。這樣的啟示是以我最早期白天的工作之一的形式出現。雖然我常在午餐時間偷溜出來寫故事,但我在二十出頭時靠著在國際特赦組織倫敦總部的非洲研究部門的工作來支付我的房租。
There in my little office, I read hastily scribbled letters smuggled out of totalitarian regimes
by men and women who were risking imprisonment to inform the outside world of what was happening to them. I saw photographs of those who had disappeared without trace, sent to Amnesty by their desperate families and friends. I read the testimony of torture victims and saw pictures of their injuries. I opened handwritten, eye-witness accounts of summary trials and executions, of kidnappings and rapes.
那裡在我的小辦公室中,我讀著倉促潦草書寫、由冒著被關風險的男男女女從極權主義政權偷渡出來的信件,告訴外界他們正遭遇些什麼事情。我看到渺無音訊的失蹤者的照片,由他們絕望的家人及朋友們寄給特赦組織。我讀著嚴刑拷打受害者的證詞,也看到他們傷勢的照片。我拆開綁架、強暴案的簡易審訊及處決的手寫、目擊敘述。
by men and women who were risking imprisonment to inform the outside world of what was happening to them. I saw photographs of those who had disappeared without trace, sent to Amnesty by their desperate families and friends. I read the testimony of torture victims and saw pictures of their injuries. I opened handwritten, eye-witness accounts of summary trials and executions, of kidnappings and rapes.
那裡在我的小辦公室中,我讀著倉促潦草書寫、由冒著被關風險的男男女女從極權主義政權偷渡出來的信件,告訴外界他們正遭遇些什麼事情。我看到渺無音訊的失蹤者的照片,由他們絕望的家人及朋友們寄給特赦組織。我讀著嚴刑拷打受害者的證詞,也看到他們傷勢的照片。我拆開綁架、強暴案的簡易審訊及處決的手寫、目擊敘述。
Many of my co-workers were ex-political prisoners, people who had been displaced from their homes, or fled into exile, because they had the temerity to speak against their governments. Visitors to our offices included those who had come to give information, or to try and find out what had happened to those who they had left behind.I shall never forget the African torture victim, a young man no older than I was at the time, who had become mentally ill after all he had endured in his homeland. He trembled uncontrollably as he spoke into a video camera about the brutality inflicted upon him. He was a foot taller than I was, and seemed as fragile as a child. I was given the job of escorting him back to the Underground station afterwards, and this man whose life had been shattered by cruelty took my hand with exquisite courtesy, and wished me future happiness.
我許多同事都是前政治犯,他們都曾經被迫離開家園,或逃難流亡,因為他們都有與政府唱反調的蠻勇。來我們辦公室參訪的人包含那些曾經前來給予資訊的人,或是試著查清楚他們拋下的夥伴們發生了什麼事的人。我永遠不會忘記那位非籍嚴刑拷打受害者,一位沒比當時的我老的年輕人,在他的家鄉承受了一切之後,已經變得精神錯亂。當在錄影機前談到在他身上曾遭施加的暴行時,他無法克制地顫抖。他比我高一呎(約三十公分),而看起來就像個孩子般脆弱。事後我被賦予護送他回到地鐵站的工作,這個一生被暴行給摧殘了的男人彬彬有禮的牽起我的手,並預祝我未來開心。
我許多同事都是前政治犯,他們都曾經被迫離開家園,或逃難流亡,因為他們都有與政府唱反調的蠻勇。來我們辦公室參訪的人包含那些曾經前來給予資訊的人,或是試著查清楚他們拋下的夥伴們發生了什麼事的人。我永遠不會忘記那位非籍嚴刑拷打受害者,一位沒比當時的我老的年輕人,在他的家鄉承受了一切之後,已經變得精神錯亂。當在錄影機前談到在他身上曾遭施加的暴行時,他無法克制地顫抖。他比我高一呎(約三十公分),而看起來就像個孩子般脆弱。事後我被賦予護送他回到地鐵站的工作,這個一生被暴行給摧殘了的男人彬彬有禮的牽起我的手,並預祝我未來開心。
And as long as I live, I shall remember walking along an empty corridor and suddenly hearing, from behind a closed door, a scream of pain and horror such as I have never heard since. The door opened, and the researcher poked out her head and told me to run and make a hot drink for the young man sitting with her. She had just had to give him the news that in retaliation for his outspokenness against his country's regime, his mother had been seized and executed.
而只要我還活著,我會記得有一次走在空蕩蕩的走道上,突然從一扇緊閉的門後聽見,像是至今我從未聽見過的痛苦且恐怖的尖叫聲。門開了,調查人員探出她的頭,叫我趕快跑去幫坐在她身旁的年輕男子倒杯熱水。她剛剛才不得不告知他,為了報復他反抗他國家政權的大膽直言,他的媽媽已經被抓走並處決了。
而只要我還活著,我會記得有一次走在空蕩蕩的走道上,突然從一扇緊閉的門後聽見,像是至今我從未聽見過的痛苦且恐怖的尖叫聲。門開了,調查人員探出她的頭,叫我趕快跑去幫坐在她身旁的年輕男子倒杯熱水。她剛剛才不得不告知他,為了報復他反抗他國家政權的大膽直言,他的媽媽已經被抓走並處決了。
Every day of my working week in my early twenties, I was reminded how incredibly fortunate I was, to live in a country with a democratically elected government, where legal representation and a public trial were the rights of everyone.
在我二十出頭的每個工作的日子裡,我一再被提醒自己是多麼無法置信的幸運,能住在一個有著民選政府的國家中,在這裡法律代理和公開審判是每個人的權利。
在我二十出頭的每個工作的日子裡,我一再被提醒自己是多麼無法置信的幸運,能住在一個有著民選政府的國家中,在這裡法律代理和公開審判是每個人的權利。
Every day, I saw more evidence about the evils humankind will inflict on their fellow humans, to gain or maintain power. I began to have nightmares, literal nightmares, about some of the things I saw, heard and read.
每一天,我看到更多證據,都是關於人類為了獲得或維持權力而會在同胞身上所施加的惡行。我開始做惡夢,真正的惡夢,有關於我看到、聽到或讀到的某些事情。
每一天,我看到更多證據,都是關於人類為了獲得或維持權力而會在同胞身上所施加的惡行。我開始做惡夢,真正的惡夢,有關於我看到、聽到或讀到的某些事情。
And yet, I also learned more about human goodness at Amnesty International than I had ever known before.
然而,在國際特赦組織裡,我也獲悉了更多前所未聞的人類善行。
然而,在國際特赦組織裡,我也獲悉了更多前所未聞的人類善行。
Amnesty mobilizes thousands of people who have never been tortured or imprisoned for their beliefs to act on behalf of those who have. The power of human empathy, leading to collective action, saves lives and frees prisoners. Ordinary people, whose personal well-being and security are assured, join together in huge numbers to save people they do not know, and will never meet. My small participation in that process was one of the most humbling and inspiring experiences of my life.
國際特赦組織將數千名未曾因信仰而遭受嚴刑拷打或身陷囹圄的人們動員起來,代表那些受難者做出行動。人類同理心的力量,造成集體行動,拯救生命及解救被囚禁的人。平凡的人,個人福祉及安全受到保障的人們集結成群來拯救他們不認識、也永遠不會見到的人們。我在這過程中小小的參與是我此生最令自己感到謙卑也最發人深省的體驗。
國際特赦組織將數千名未曾因信仰而遭受嚴刑拷打或身陷囹圄的人們動員起來,代表那些受難者做出行動。人類同理心的力量,造成集體行動,拯救生命及解救被囚禁的人。平凡的人,個人福祉及安全受到保障的人們集結成群來拯救他們不認識、也永遠不會見到的人們。我在這過程中小小的參與是我此生最令自己感到謙卑也最發人深省的體驗。
Unlike any other creature on this planet, human beings can learn and understand, without having experienced. They can think themselves into other people's places.
不像這星球上的任何其他生物,人類就算不曾經歷過,也會學習、理解。他們能夠設身處地的替他人著想。
不像這星球上的任何其他生物,人類就算不曾經歷過,也會學習、理解。他們能夠設身處地的替他人著想。
Of course, this is a power, like my brand of fictional magic that is morally neutral. One might use such an ability to manipulate or control, just as much as to understand or sympathize.
當然,這是一種力量,就像我那在道德上中立的獨特虛構魔法一樣。人也許會用這樣一種能力來操縱、控制,就如同用它來理解或同情他人一樣。
當然,這是一種力量,就像我那在道德上中立的獨特虛構魔法一樣。人也許會用這樣一種能力來操縱、控制,就如同用它來理解或同情他人一樣。
And many prefer not to exercise their imaginations at all. They choose to remain comfortably within the bounds of their own experience, never troubling to wonder how it would feel to have been born other than they are. They can refuse to hear screams or peer inside cages. They can close their minds and hearts to any suffering that does not touch them personally. They can refuse to know.
許多人寧可完全不運用他們的想像力。他們選擇舒服地留在自身經驗的領域裡,永遠不費心去想如果他們生來並非如此將會是什麼感覺。他們可以拒絕聆聽尖叫聲或凝視牢籠裡的狀況。他們可以對任何不會親身體會到的苦難關上心扉。他們可以拒絕去了解。
許多人寧可完全不運用他們的想像力。他們選擇舒服地留在自身經驗的領域裡,永遠不費心去想如果他們生來並非如此將會是什麼感覺。他們可以拒絕聆聽尖叫聲或凝視牢籠裡的狀況。他們可以對任何不會親身體會到的苦難關上心扉。他們可以拒絕去了解。
I might be tempted to envy people who can live that way, except that I do not think they have any fewer nightmares than I do.Choosing to live in narrow spaces leads to a form of mental agoraphobia, and that brings its own terrors. I think the willfully unimaginatives see more monsters. They are often more afraid.
我也許會受到誘惑忌妒那些可如此過活的人們,只是我並不認為他們所作的惡夢會比我少。選擇在窄小的空間中過活導致一種心理上的開放空間恐慌症,而那也引起自身的恐懼。我認為那些故意不去想像的人會看到更多野獸。他們通常更害怕。
我也許會受到誘惑忌妒那些可如此過活的人們,只是我並不認為他們所作的惡夢會比我少。選擇在窄小的空間中過活導致一種心理上的開放空間恐慌症,而那也引起自身的恐懼。我認為那些故意不去想像的人會看到更多野獸。他們通常更害怕。
What is more, those who choose not to empathize enable real monsters. For without ever committing an act of outright evil ourselves, we collude with it, through our own apathy.
再說,那些選擇不去表達同情的人們使那些真正的野獸得以橫行。因為雖然我們自己從未犯下公開的惡行,但透過自身的冷漠,我們與邪惡密謀。
再說,那些選擇不去表達同情的人們使那些真正的野獸得以橫行。因為雖然我們自己從未犯下公開的惡行,但透過自身的冷漠,我們與邪惡密謀。
One of the many things I learned at the end of that Classics corridor down which I ventured at the age of eighteen, in search of something I could not then define was this, written by the Greek author Plutarch: what we achieve inwardly will change outer reality.
我十八歲時在古典文學走廊的盡頭冒險,尋找一些當時無法定義的事物,所學到的諸多事情之一是這個,由希臘作者Plutarch所寫:我們在內心所實現的,將改變外界的現實。
我十八歲時在古典文學走廊的盡頭冒險,尋找一些當時無法定義的事物,所學到的諸多事情之一是這個,由希臘作者Plutarch所寫:我們在內心所實現的,將改變外界的現實。
That is an astonishing statement and yet proven a thousand times every day of our lives. It expresses, in part, our inescapable connection with the outside world, the fact that we touch other people's lives simply by existing.
那是個很驚人的說法,然而在我們生命中,它每天都被證實了上千次。某種程度而言,它表達著我們與外在世界不可避免的連結,僅僅存在我們便會觸動他人人生的事實。
那是個很驚人的說法,然而在我們生命中,它每天都被證實了上千次。某種程度而言,它表達著我們與外在世界不可避免的連結,僅僅存在我們便會觸動他人人生的事實。
But how much more are you, Harvard graduates of 2008, likely to touch other people's lives? Your intelligence, your capacity for hard work, the education you have earned and received, give you unique status, and unique responsibilities. Even your nationality sets you apart. The great majority of you belong to the world's only remaining superpower. The way you vote, the way you live, the way you protest, the pressure you bring to bear on your government, has an impact way beyond your borders. That is your privilege, and your burden.
但哈佛2008年的畢業生們,你們又是多麼更可能地會影響到其他人的人生?你們的聰明才智、你們處理繁重工作的能力、你們所掙得及所接受的教育,賦予你們特殊的身分地位,和特有的責任。甚至連你們的國籍都使得你們與眾不同。你們之中絕大多數的人屬於世上僅存的超級大國。你投票的方式、生活的方式、抗議的方式、你為你的政府所帶來的壓力,有著遠遠超越國界的影響力。這是你的特權,也是你的重擔。
但哈佛2008年的畢業生們,你們又是多麼更可能地會影響到其他人的人生?你們的聰明才智、你們處理繁重工作的能力、你們所掙得及所接受的教育,賦予你們特殊的身分地位,和特有的責任。甚至連你們的國籍都使得你們與眾不同。你們之中絕大多數的人屬於世上僅存的超級大國。你投票的方式、生活的方式、抗議的方式、你為你的政府所帶來的壓力,有著遠遠超越國界的影響力。這是你的特權,也是你的重擔。
If you choose to use your status and influence to raise your voice on behalf of those who have no voice, if you choose to identify not only with the powerful, but with the powerless, if you retain the ability to imagine yourself into the lives of those who do not have your advantages, then it will not only be your proud families who celebrate your existence, but thousands and millions of people whose reality you have helped change. We do not need magic to transform our world. We carry all the power we need inside ourselves already. We have the power to imagine better.
如果你選擇運用你的地位和影響力替那些沒有聲音的人發聲,如果你選擇認同不僅是那些有權勢的人,還有那些無權無勢的人,如果你保有能力想像自己是那些沒有你那些優勢的人,那麼不僅是你驕傲的家人他們歡慶你的存在,還有那些成千上萬你曾幫助過改變現狀的人也會歡慶你的存在。我們不需要魔法來改變我們的世界。我們自身已擁有所有我們所需的力量。我們有能力想像得更好。
如果你選擇運用你的地位和影響力替那些沒有聲音的人發聲,如果你選擇認同不僅是那些有權勢的人,還有那些無權無勢的人,如果你保有能力想像自己是那些沒有你那些優勢的人,那麼不僅是你驕傲的家人他們歡慶你的存在,還有那些成千上萬你曾幫助過改變現狀的人也會歡慶你的存在。我們不需要魔法來改變我們的世界。我們自身已擁有所有我們所需的力量。我們有能力想像得更好。
I am nearly finished. I have one last hope for you, which is something that I already had at twenty-one. The friends with whom I sat on graduation day have been my friends for life. They are my children's godparents, the people to whom I've been able to turn in times of real trouble, people who have been kind enough not to sue me when I took their names for Death Eaters. At our graduation, we were bound by enormous affection, by our shared experience of a time that could never come again, and, of course, by the knowledge that we held certain photographic evidence that would be exceptionally valuable if any of us ran for Prime Minister.
我就快講完了。我對你們還有最後一個期望,而這是我在二十一歲時就已經擁有的。在畢業典禮上坐我旁邊的朋友已是我一生的朋友。他們是我孩子的教父母,是我在遭遇真正困難時能尋求協助的人,也是當我拿他們的名字來命名食屍鬼時,一直對我夠寬容而不會控告我的朋友們。在我們的畢業典禮上,我們被巨大的情誼綁在一起,被我們永不復返的共同經歷給綁在一起,當然,還有被我們握有某張照片證據的那認知給綁在一起,如果我們之中任何人參選首相,那張照片證據會非常有價值。
我就快講完了。我對你們還有最後一個期望,而這是我在二十一歲時就已經擁有的。在畢業典禮上坐我旁邊的朋友已是我一生的朋友。他們是我孩子的教父母,是我在遭遇真正困難時能尋求協助的人,也是當我拿他們的名字來命名食屍鬼時,一直對我夠寬容而不會控告我的朋友們。在我們的畢業典禮上,我們被巨大的情誼綁在一起,被我們永不復返的共同經歷給綁在一起,當然,還有被我們握有某張照片證據的那認知給綁在一起,如果我們之中任何人參選首相,那張照片證據會非常有價值。
So today, I wish you nothing better than similar friendships. And tomorrow, I hope that even if you remember not a single word of mine, you remember those of Seneca, another of those old Romans I met when I fled down the Classics corridor, in retreat from career ladders, in search of ancient wisdom, "As is a tale, so is life: not how long it is, but how good it is, is what matters."
所以今天,我僅祝福你們擁有類似的友誼。而明天,我希望就算你不記得我說的任何一個字,你會記得那些Seneca說的話,(當我逃往古典文學長廊之時,為了要從職場競爭中撤退、尋求先人智慧,所認識的另一位古羅馬人):「人生就像故事一樣:不要在意它有多長,而是它有多美好,這才是重點。」
所以今天,我僅祝福你們擁有類似的友誼。而明天,我希望就算你不記得我說的任何一個字,你會記得那些Seneca說的話,(當我逃往古典文學長廊之時,為了要從職場競爭中撤退、尋求先人智慧,所認識的另一位古羅馬人):「人生就像故事一樣:不要在意它有多長,而是它有多美好,這才是重點。」
I wish you all very good lives. Thank you very much.
祝你們擁有美好的未來。非常謝謝你們。
祝你們擁有美好的未來。非常謝謝你們。
註一:J.K. Rowling在此對哈利波特書中角色的性別取向開玩笑,她曾在紐約舉辦的哈利波特第七集簽售會上公開宣布霍華格茲校長鄧不利多正式出櫃。
註二:愛丁堡的The Elephant House咖啡店。
演講-Obama
My fellow citizens:
I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
同胞們:
今天我站在這裡,謙卑地面對眼前重任,感謝你們的信任,對先人的犧牲奉獻誠惶誠恐。感謝布希總統對我們國家的貢獻,以及他在此次政權移交過程中展現的寬大及合作。
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebearers, and true to our founding documents.
44名美國人曾做此總統宣誓。這些詞句過去是在繁榮的漲潮高昇時刻及和平的靜水中說出。雖然,偶爾也在愁雲慘霧和狂風怒吼中做出宣誓。在這些時候,美國堅持下去了,不僅僅因為高官們的能力或高瞻遠矚,而是因為我們人民仍然信靠先人理想,並忠於我們的創國信念。
[附] 美國總統列表
So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.
以往如此,這一代美國人也將如此。
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
大家對我們危機當頭的狀況都非常了解。我們的國家現在正在抗戰,對抗無遠弗屆的暴力和仇恨。我們經濟極度衰弱,根基於眾人中某些人的貪婪和不負責任,但沒為這個國家做出艱難選擇,為新時代做好準備,則是全體同擔失敗。家園喪失,工作流散,企業關門。健保索費太高,教育失敗太多,每天都有更多證據表明,我們使用能源的方式是助長敵人、威脅自己的星球。
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -- a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.
這些是數據和統計資料顯示出來的危機指標。較沒辦法量化但同樣重要的是縱橫全國的信心衰弱-坐立難安地恐懼著美國衰退不可避免,下一代必須降低他們的視野。
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America: They will be met.
今天我告訴你,我們面臨的挑戰是真的。它們很嚴重,數量也很多。它們不是輕拂而來或立時即來。但美國,你要知道:它們一定會來。
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.
在這一天,我們超越恐懼選擇希望,超越衝突不和選擇目標一致,而共聚一堂。
On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.
在這一天,我們宣示,氣量狹小的牢騷、虛假的承諾,長久以來讓政治窒息的互揭瘡疤和陳舊教條,一切到此為止。
We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
我們仍然是個年輕的國家,但如聖經所說,現在該把兒戲的行為放一邊了。是時候重申我們不朽的精神,選擇昔日美好的那部分,發揚這個珍貴天賦、這個代代相傳的崇高理念:上天承諾,人人平等,人人自由,人人得而追求其美滿幸福。
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the fainthearted -- for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long, rugged path toward prosperity and freedom.
在重申國家偉大之時,我們瞭解這份祟高絕不是誰給的。是得用掙的。我們的旅程從來不是條捷徑或為消極而設。這不是給懦弱者的路-那些人耽於玩樂勝於工作,或滿心追尋成名致富。相反地,它是給冒險家、實作者、製造者-其中有些人已經馳名,但有更多男人和女人的付出還未為人所了解-就是這些人在邁向富裕自由的崎嶇長路上引領眾人前行。
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
為了我們,他們收拾微薄行囊,遠渡重洋,尋找新生活。
For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.
為了我們,他們在工廠裡流血流汗、拓荒西部,忍受鞭打、開墾荒地。
For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.
為了我們,他們在類似康科特(Concord)、蓋茨堡(Gettysburg)、諾曼第(Normandy)和溪山(Khe Sahn)…等地,抗爭而死。
註:以上都是戰地,康科特(Concord)是獨立戰爭,蓋茨堡(Gettysburg)是美國內戰,諾曼第(Normandy)是二戰,溪山(Khe Sahn)則是越戰。
Time and again, these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
一次又一次,這些先民們不斷地奮鬥犧牲,工作到雙手皮開肉綻,只為我們能有更美好的生活。他們視美國的強盛與偉大更勝個人雄心,超越出身、貧富和派系。
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.
這就是我們今天承續下去的旅程。美國依然是地球上最富裕、最強大的國家。和危機剛爆發時相比,我們的生產力毫不遜色。與上星期、上個月或者去年相比,我們頭腦的創造力毫無減退,商品和服務的市場需求也毫無衰弱。我們實力不減。但是,歌舞昇平、保護狹隘利益、猶疑做出艱難決定的時代已成過往。從今天開始,我們必須自立自強,拍掉身上的泥土,重塑美國。
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act -- not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.
放眼望去,許多工作皆待完成。目前的經濟情況需要採取果斷且迅速的行動,而我們的確會起而行-不僅創造新的就業機會,更為未來發展奠定新的基礎。我們將造橋鋪路,舖設電子網絡促進商業發展,並讓我們緊密連結。我們將恢復科學應有的地位,運用科技的奇蹟提高醫療品質,同時降低醫療費用。我們將充分利用太陽、風和土壤為汽車和工廠提供動能。我們將改革國中小和高等院校,以符合新時代的需求。這是我們做得到的,而且我們一定會做。
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions -- who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.
如今,有些人質疑我們企圖心的規模-暗示我國體系無法承受太多的大計劃。他們很健忘。因為他們忘了這個國家截至目前為止的成就,忘了當創造力有了共同的目標,加上必備的勇氣,自由人民能達成什麼樣的成就。
What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them -- that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account -- to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day -- because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.
這些憤世嫉俗的人不能理解,「風水輪流轉」-這些耗費我們多時的陳腐政論,早就不適用了。我們當前要問的問題不是我們的政府太大或太小,而是它有沒有用-是否是否能幫助家庭找到薪水不錯的工作,支付得起照顧費用,並能有尊嚴地退休。哪個地方答案是肯定的,我們就繼續向前邁進;哪個地方答案是否定的,規劃就中止。而我們這些管理公共財的人,被選舉出來是有重要緣由的-要明智地花費,革除陋習,光明正大地做事-因為只有這樣,我們才能恢復人民和政府之間那份不可或缺的信任。
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control -- and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
眼前的問題也不在市場力量是善是惡。它創造財富和擴展自由的力量是無與倫比,但這場危機提醒我們,一不留意市場便會失控-當一個國家只偏愛富者,它無法繁榮昌盛太久。我們經濟的成功,不僅依賴國內生產總值的規模大小,還包括我們的繁榮可達何處,能否拓展機會給每個想要的人-不是出於施捨,而是這才是達到共同利益最萬無一失的途徑。
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: Know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.
至於國防,我們拒絕在安全和理想中錯誤地二選一。我們的創國元老面對著難以想像的危險,起草確保法治和人權的憲章,這個憲章歷經好幾世代的鮮血逐漸擴大。這些理想仍然照亮世界,我們不會因權宜之故而摒棄它。讓他們為權宜的緣故。同時,對今日觀禮的各國人民和政府,上至首善之都,下至家父出生的小鄉村,我要說:「任何國家,無論男人或婦孺,只要你探求的是和平且有尊嚴的未來,美國就是你的朋友。我們已作好準備,要再次領導全世界。」
Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
回想上幾代對抗法西斯主義和共產主義時,用上飛彈和坦克不夠,還憑靠著堅定的聯盟和持久的信念。他們知道,單靠自己的力量不足以自保,也無法做自己想做的事。相反地,他們知道謹慎使用力量反而增強,我們的安全源自動機正當、典範的力量,以及謙卑自制的調和特質。
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort -- even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.
我們是這些遺產的保存者。在這些信條的再次指引之下,我們可以面對那些比以往耗力更多的新威脅-就算需要國際間規模更大的合作和相互諒解。我們將開始負責任地把伊拉克還給它的人民,並在阿富汗鑄造得來不易的和平。和昔日老友與對手合作,不懈地努力減輕核子威脅,反轉地球的暖化。我們不會為我們的生活方式道歉,也不會對保衛它猶豫不決,對那些想藉由恐怖主義與濫殺無辜,以推進目標的人,我們現在告訴你,我們的靈魂比你們更堅強,不屈不撓,你們不可能比我們更屹立不搖,我們必定打敗你們。
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus -- and nonbelievers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.
因為我們明白,東拼西湊的遺產是優點而非弱點。我們是由基督教、伊斯蘭教(穆斯林)、猶太教、印度教教徒,及無神論者所組成的國家。我們由各種語言和文化形塑,從地球的各端刻畫出我們的輪廓。我們嚐到內戰和種族隔離的苦果,脫離黑暗時期後更加強壯團結,因此我們相信舊的仇恨總有一天會過去,族群之間的界線很快會湮滅。隨著世界越來越小,我們共通的人性會展露出來,美國則必須扮演好自己的角色,迎接和平新時代。
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West: Know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.
對伊斯蘭世界,我們基於相互利益和互相尊重,尋求新的前進道路。對那些想在全球各地製造紛爭,或將其社會問題怪罪於西方的領導者,我要說:「人民評斷的標準是你建立了什麼,而不是你摧毀了什麼。」那些貪汙、欺騙、消除異己、趨炎附勢的人,要知道你是站在歷史錯誤的一邊,但若你願意先鬆開拳頭,我們會伸出援手的。(好想翻成:若你願意先放下屠刀,我們會助你成佛。XDD)
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.
對來自貧窮國家的人民,我們保證和你們同心協力,使農場蓬勃發展,讓清水永不止息,滋養饑餓的肉體,豐富貧瘠的心靈。對那些和我們同等富庶的國家,我們說,我們再也不能對境外的苦痛無動於衷,不能不顧後果地消耗全球資源。世界變了,我們也得跟著改變。
As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment -- a moment that will define a generation -- it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.
在思索眼前開展道路之時,我們謙卑感激地謹記此時此刻,在遙遠沙漠和遍僻山區有勇敢的美國人正在巡邏。今天,他們有話要對我們說,就和那些長眠阿靈頓的英雄們在歷史裡訴說的一樣。我們尊重他們,不僅因為他們是我們自由的捍衛者,而是因為它們體現了服務的精神,一種尋找超越自我意義的意願。然而,在此時,界定這個世代的時刻,不是別的,恰恰好是這種精神最為我們大家所需要擁有。
For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.
因為政府能做且必須做的,這個國家最後能依賴的還是美國人民的信仰和決心。那是...當堤防潰堤時,讓我們接納陌生人的善念,當無私的工人寧願削減工時,而不願見朋友失業,這讓我們預見度過最黑暗的時刻。消防隊員直衝濃煙密佈樓梯間的大無畏精神,和父母培育孩子的任勞任怨,這些,最終決定了我們的命運。
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.
我們面臨的挑戰也許算新,迎戰未來的工具也許算新,但是成功所需要的價值觀-勤勞和誠實、勇氣和公平、寬容和好奇心、忠誠和愛國精神-這些都是舊的。這些都是真真實實的。他們在歷史演進中一直是沉默的推手。我們必須把這些價值觀找回來,我們現在需要的是一個負責任的新時代-每個美國人都體認到,我們對自己、我們的國家和整個世界都有責任。不是勉強接受,而是欣然緊握,堅定相信沒有事比全力以赴完成艱難的任務,更能得到精神上的滿足,界定自我價值。
This is the price and the promise of citizenship.
這是公民的代價和承諾。
This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.
這是我們信心的來源,是上帝召喚我們創造未知命運的智識。
This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed -- why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent Mall, and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.
這也是我們自由和信條的真諦-為什麼不同種族和宗教信仰的男女老少可以在大草坪上一起慶祝,為什麼一個人,不到60年前他父親還可能無法在當地餐館工作,而現在可以卻能站在你們面前致上最神聖的宣誓。
So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:
因此,讓我們把今日銘刻在心,勿忘我們是誰,我們走了多遠。美國誕生那年,最寒冷的那幾個月,有群愛國志士在漸弱的營火邊蜷曲成一團。首都棄守、敵人進逼,雪上血跡斑斑,在革命成果的最為動搖的時刻,美國國父下令宣讀這些話:
"Let it be told to the future world ... that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."
「告訴後代子孫...在天寒地凍、希望和美德僅存之際,這個城市、這個國家,正面臨一個共同的難關,站出來迎戰(它)。」
America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested, we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back, nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.
美國。面對我們共同的難關,在這個困苦的寒冬,讓我們牢記這些雋永的話語。懷著希望和美德,讓我們再次奮戰冰流,忍受暴風雪可能帶來的一切。讓我們子子孫孫都傳誦說,當我們受到考驗,我們拒絕讓旅程結束。我們沒有回頭,也沒有動搖,堅定凝視地平線,上帝賜福,我們攜著自由這個偉大禮物向前行,並將它穩穩當當地交棒給下一代。
Thank you. God bless you and God bless the United States of America.
謝謝你們。天佑大家,天佑美國。
Source: CNN -- Obama's inaugural speech